KOTA KINABALU: The Chinese community in then British North Borneo (now Sabah) upon realising that self-government or independence on its own will not happen, planned a high stakes gamble just before the proclamation of Malaysia to warn Britain’s Conservative Government that it should not be rushing the process.
They were worried that Malaysia was being formed in a such a hurry and that the interests of the locals in both the Borneo states may be compromised in the long term with pertinent aspects of the Malaysia Agreement (MA63) not being honoured by successive leaders in Kuala Lumpur.
It was a fear that became reality with both Sarawak and Sabah now demanding compliance to the MA63 with high-level committees set up by the previous Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Harapan and current Perikatan Nasional federal governments to address various grievances.
But it was the manner in which the community planned to do it from the time the MA63 was signed in London in July 1963 till independence on September 16 the same year that was startling – to portray the then British Prime Minister Sir Harold McMillan as a Judas who did not care about the people of Sabah and Sarawak.
According to the architect of the 20 Points safeguards who later became Sabah’s second Chief Minister, late Tan Sri Peter Lo, their highly symbolic action that may have delayed the process had the Special Branch not found out at the last minute was to be in the form of 30 coins to be presented to McMillan through last Governor Sir William Goode.
Daily Express can reveal this for the first time, in compliance with Lo’s last wish that it be made known only after he was gone to put on record that Sabah’s Chinese were among those genuinely concerned about the States’s future and were willing to go to great lengths to demonstrate this. Lo, who rarely spoke about events related to Malaysia’s formation, passed away peacefully on New Year’s day 2020 at age 96. Daily Express chose to do so on the first anniversary of his death. He revealed this historically significant development leading to the merger to Daily Express in an exclusive interview at his residence in Tanjung Aru in 2014, where he produced the coin as evidence. Apart from Kwan Yew Meng who returned to Hong Kong following independence, he declined to name the co-plotters saying he did not think it was necessary.
Asked why he never spoke about it in his lifetime, Lo said it was because he always preferred to keep a low profile since retiring from politics, plus the fact that much water had flowed under the bridge since independence. Another reason was because he did not wish “to step on too many toes”. He did not elaborate.
Lo said that by then two fact-finding missions – the Cobbold Commission (1962) and the United Nations mission (July/August 1963) had already been held. The Malaysia Agreement (MA63) itself was signed on July 9, 1963 and the initial proclamation date of Aug. 31 agreed upon by all parties to coincide with Malaya’s independence on the same date in 1957. However, to accommodate the last-minute UN team’s findings due to pressure from Indonesia’s Sukarno and Philippines’ Macapagal, first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman was forced to postpone the date to Sept. 16.
Lo said a plan was hatched to present to MacMillan, through Goode, 30 coins specially minted in Hong Kong. Judas, according to biblical tradition, was one of the apostles and the one who betrayed Jesus for 30 silver coins.
However, Lo said it did not succeed because the Special Branch got wind of it and warned them of arrest. The plotters, comprising mainly those from the Sandakan-based United Party (UP) that was against the Malaysia proposal from the beginning, had hoped to capitalise on the window period afforded by the United Nations mission that was sent at the last minute by then Secretary-General U Thant. Both Indonesia and Philippines had complained to the UN that Malaysia was being created against the wishes of the people in both the Borneo states.
The UP was, initially, led by late Datuk Khoo Siak Chiew with Lo as its Secretary-General. However, at the time that the coins presentation was being planned, both Khoo and Lo had quit to join the Sabah Chinese Association (SCA) that supported the merger and became an important player in the independence process. It was hatched around July around the time the MA63 was signed up to when both Sarawak and Sabah declared self-government, in defiance of Tunku’s advice to both Stephen Kalong Ningkan (Sarawak) and Donald Stephens (Sabah) to be patient pending the announcement by the UN of its findings. Sarawak declared self-government on July 22, while Sabah (still British North Borneo until independence) did so on Aug. 31 the same year. “This group comprising mainly businessmen had no ulterior motive except to make both the colonial administration and Whitehall realise that hurrying things was similar to ‘selling’ the colony just to satisfy Britain’s interests. They had no ill feelings towards Malaya’s leaders as everything was being decided by Britain,” said Lo.
“The perception was that Sabah was being unfairly rushed into the proposal because of British fears of Singapore turning red and the only solution was to merge all the territories (Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and preferably Brunei).
“Malaya was already under emergency due to the communists and they felt that if Singapore fell to communists if given independence on its own and should anything happen to Sabah and Sarawak if granted independence on their own, it could threaten Australia and New Zealand,” said Lo. From his own experience, Lo was convinced of Britain’s hidden hand in the Malaysia proposal but making it seem like it was coming from Tunku, when both the High Commissioners of New Zealand and Australia flew to Sabah (while he was Sabah CM) in August 1965 to personally deliver a message to him in his house that “we cannot guarantee Sabah’s security should it also seek separation in the wake of what happened to Singapore”. “It was clear that they viewed Sabah and Sarawak as forward bases that could also protect the interests of Australia and New Zealand if the occasion arose. “They feared that being a Chinese Chief Minister, I would follow Lee Kuan Yew. Little did they know that I had already given my word to Tun Razak (Deputy PM) that Malaysia was what we eventually fought for and must be allowed to work.”
Lo said those behind the “Judas coin” plan were known to him because they were together, initially, in opposing the Malaysia proposal. However, he and some others changed their stand when they realised that Malaysia would materialise come what may. Those who continued to oppose eventually returned to Hong Kong or migrated after Malaysia came about.
Lo stressed that the UP and another Chinese-based party, Democratic Party (DP) were, initially, against the Malaysia proposal not because they were anti-Malaysia but felt the territory should be allowed self government first and only if this fails, merger.
“We got desperate especially when Donald (later Tun Fuad) Stephens who was with us made a complete turnaround and announced at the airport upon returning from Kuala Lumpur (after meeting Tunku and Lee Kwan Yew) that he no longer opposed but was in favour (of Malaysia) without discussing it with us,” he said. “We realised that Malaysia was inevitable since our bumiputra partners abandoned us. That we will be fighting a lonely battle. That’s when we decided to give the Malaysia proposal our fullest support and to from then on never look back. However, some hardliners in the UP still continued to oppose.” Lo said, thus far, Malaysia has been a successful experiment and nobody can say Sabah did not benefit from being a partner in the federation, although there were recurrent issues relating to the MA63, in particular, and aspects like Borneonisation that may take time, compromise, sincerity and political will on both sides in order to be resolved. “Malaysia became possible at great cost and sacrifice by the people of Sabah and Sarawak and many Peninsular Malaysians are not aware of this. They mistake that Sabah and Sarawak are also part and parcel of Malaya’s 1957 independence bargain when it is not.
“So, it is important that Kuala Lumpur do not shortchange or renege on the promises made to the people of both states in the MA63,” he said.
Elaborating on the “Judas coin”, Lo said: “The plotters were aware of the consequences, especially of arrest. But to them, it would have achieved its objective if it could at least make the administration slow the process,” said Lo, who was Sabah’s first local lawyer and became Sabah’s first Federal Minister in Tunku’s Cabinet in 1964, following independence through Malaysia on 16.9.1963.
He said Kwan had the “Judas coins” specially minted in Hong Kong. The inscription on one side read “North Borneo Malaysia and Mac. London Aug 1963” while the flipside had the words “North Borneo Malaysia and Judas Gethsemane AD33”. AD33 refers to the year that Jesus was crucified at age 33. The reference to August 1963 refers to the original Malaysia date. The “Mac” with a dot refers to the then Conservative British Prime Minister.
Lo said Kwan was supposed to present the coins to the Governor at an official function. However, the plan got leaked out and then Special Branch Chief, Tom Lilley, warned the group of arrest if they went ahead.
The coins were then seized but Lo convinced Lilley to let him keep just one as a souvenir. Lo told the family before his death that the coin had been promised to this writer in appreciation of the special bond that developed between them over the years.
The family, through eldest daughter Jenny, a former BBC producer, sought this writer’s permission to donate it to the museum due to its immense historical and political significance. To which this writer agreed but only if presented to the Sabah Chinese History Museum that is being looked into by Nominated Assemblyman Datuk Seri Yong Teck Lee and Kota Kinabalu Chinese Chamber of Commerce.
Lo also said the uncertainty of what the merger holds was why the 20 Points safeguards came about at the last moment. “Stephens (late first CM Donald, later Tun Fuad) did suggest to us that perhaps we should come up with safeguards if we still felt uneasy about the whole thing (merger). “But then the matter ended there until things suddenly began moving too fast,” he said, and credited then State Attorney General Ken Jones as being one colonial official who understood and sympathised most with the locals’ concerns despite his official Government position. He said Jones secretly assisted him and Kwan to come up with 13 or 14 of the 20 Points while the Sabah Alliance partners, including Stephens, Tun Mustapha and Datuk GS Sundang contributed the rest. “Later, Jones even helped to go through them before submitting them to Kuala Lumpur.”
Lo said to be fair to the colonial administration, many of the white officials in both states were also opposed to the Malaysia plan being rushed through and conveyed their apprehension to both Goode and Sarawak counterpart, Alexander Waddell. He said another thing he wished to make known that may help explain a crucial question being asked by the post-Malaysia generation today relating to the formation of Malaysia, was why there was no new constitution since it was a new federation on 16.9.1963 with a new name, new flag, in fact a new nation.
Lo said there was an opportunity to frame a new Malaysian Constitution, rather than adopt the Malayan Constitution.
“But, sadly, this was not taken up.”
He said the credit for this initiative is also owed to Jones who suggested it during a meeting in which all the Sabah leaders were present, perhaps to make it clear that the colonial administration had done everything possible on their part. “However, it was shot down by Stephens who, as Head of the Malaysia Solidarity Committee, felt there was no more time for it now and that we should just trust and leave it to the Malayans. “It must be in the minutes somewhere if researchers care to find it. Either in the British or Commonwealth archives. I think these should be public documents by now anyway,” he said. Asked what would have been the alternative if Malaysia had not come about, Lo said the British would not have wanted it any other way and there was nothing anyone, including Stephens, could do anything about. “If it had not come about because of (sudden) opposition by people like Stephens, he would have been assassinated politically. They would create another king to take his place…put all kinds of obstacles in his way saying he was unrealiable, etc, etc.
“Like I said, Sabah and Sarawak were placed strategically between Indonesia and their countries. It was a forward defence zone. They cannot risk the Borneo territories falling into wrong hands, worse of all to the communists.” He said this was also the real reason they (British) sidelined Sedomon’s importance as a native chief to represent the non-Muslim natives when it was time for the Malaysia negotiations.
“Sedomon and Sundang were dead against the Malaysia proposal and communicated this also to the Cobbold team. They gave a long list of reasons for their objections. “Razak (second PM Tun Abdul Razak) had a lot of respect for Sedomon for his principles and made it a point to travel all the way to the interior to visit him in his house.
“When he returned he said to me that I should consider a timber concession for Sedomon. I refused. I said I did not give timber land to anybody, including myself. “I also told him (Razak) that I had delegated the power to approve timber to the Natural Resources Ministry headed by Thomas Jayasuria which had a committee to deal with the requests so that nothing was hidden.
“But, sadly, this was abolished and the power was transferred to just one person, i.e. the Chief Minister, when Mustapha assumed the post which is what made him and the CM position henceforth very powerful.”
Lo also disclosed something not known to many – that in addition to 10,000 acres of timber concessions to Stephens, Mustapha and the SCA led by Khoo, they eventually also caved in to the demand by GS Sundang who insisted that he also deserved similar as he represented the interior natives (Dusuns and Muruts) who do not come under the classification of Kadazans.
“They (British) flatly rejected his request but decided to give in when Sundang engaged Lee Kuan Yew to fight his case. In fact, they panicked when Kuan Yew suddenly showed up in Jesselton one day to file the papers. “The last thing they wanted was something that would derail the Malaysia process and draw the wrong attention.”
According to Lo, as far as he knew the concession that was given to Sundang was managed by one Helen Chung, a Sabahan who resided in Hong Kong.
Asked why the British were so generous as to give timber to a selected first batch, he said, it was done with sincerity so that these leaders can start on a proper footing and financially able to help their people and not be corrupted when holding high office. “You must remember that at that time all of us were very poor. We all had no money,” Lo said. He said besides the British, another person who agitated for Malaysia for his selfish reasons was Kuan Yew.
He felt that Kuan Yew always aspired to replace Tunku as the leader of a Malaysian Malaysia because he found that Singapore was merely a pond for a “big fish” like him. Failing which the next best option would be to be the leader of an independent Singapore.
“He knew that the British will never grant Singapore independence but that he could squeeze it out of Tunku after Malaysia had come about.
“He convinced the Sabah and the Sarawak leaders that they should all go along with the Malaysia plan. But once it materialised, he started working towards Singapore’s independence so much so that it even fell on his birthday as a present. “I doubt Tunku knew this or he would not have agreed on the date of Singapore’s pullout.
“But that was Kuan Yew. He was streets ahead of everybody and was lucky to have all the right people to help him achieve his vision, people like David Marshall, Goh Keng Swee, Toh Chin Chye, S. Rajaratnam and a Dutch economist Winsemius who he assigned to chart the island’s survival plan in the event of separation
“Winsemius spent six months travelling the length and breadth of the island to study the resilience, strengths and weaknesses of an independent Singapore and reported back to him.
“That gave him the confidence. Finance Minister Tan Siew Sin insulted him at the time of the Separation, predicting that he (Lee) would come crawling back to the Federation within six months.
“There was always rivalry for Chinese support because Lee’s PAP wanted to replace the MCA at the Federal level but Tunku would not allow it, aware that the Chinese in Malaya would prefer the aggressive style of PAP.
“So much so that Tunku told Lee that he would rather have 10 MCA men in the Cabinet than even one from PAP.”
Lo noted there had been a tendency for seeking whatever terms of MA63 that have not been fulfilled, which is good. However, having been among those who preferred self-government, he said he had lived long enough to disagree with those who think Sabah would be better off if it had been granted independence on its own rather than through Malaysia.
“I only need to cite the case of timber,” he said. “It would have been walloped within the first decade as everyone saw it as the most profitable and easiest way to get rich.
“The British handed Sabah over with its timber intact. What they had taken from Sabah was peanuts. It was our own people, especially after 1967, who finished it within three decades,” he said.
Lo said at the Federal-level the downside of being in Malaysia was that on the one hand you may have a central government that may be insensitive to the sentiments and sensitivity of the people by pushing through policies that are against the wishes of those in the Bornean states.
“This calls for Sabah and Sarawak elected representatives to be vigilant in parliament, more so if they are appointed to the Federal Cabinet,” said Lo. At State-level, he said, is the perception that to become a CM or Minister is to become rich beyond the wildest dreams. “It has created a culture that to be CM or Minister is to be all-powerful and need not be held accountable. “That one becomes respectable or is looked up to only if one has money.”
Source: Sabah Daily Express
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